John R. Curtis
Republican · UT-3 · 118th Congress
Influence Score
73.3
Highly exposed
— ◊ —

This score measures financial influence across twelve categories. Each bar shows how this member compares to all others in Congress. Longer bars mean more exposure.

Score breakdown — twelve categories
Contributionsmoney from PACs (political action committees) and individual donors
8.0
/ 12
Outside spendingmoney spent by groups to help elect them
1.4
/ 6
Spent to help elect them
$482,251
Outside groups that spent to help elect this member — this drives the outside-spending bar above
Lobbyinghow hard lobbyists push the committees this member sits on
4.8
/ 10
Revolving door former staff now working as lobbyists
0.0
/ 3
Vote alignmenthow often they vote the way their donors want
9.3
/ 12
Contribution timingmoney arriving near key votes
0.0
/ 6
Stock tradesbuying stocks in industries they regulate
0.1
/ 1
Dark moneyfunding from groups that hide their donors
< 0.1
/ 2
Outbound money distributionmoney this member sends out to the party and to colleagues
11.1
/ 16
Cluster network breadthhow many coordinated funding networks back this member
10.0
/ 10
Committee jurisdiction powerthe legislative reach of the committees this member sits on
5.7
/ 10
Foreign interestforeign-interest money — Israel-policy PACs and FARA-registered institutional lobbying allocated by committee jurisdiction
8.2
/ 12
Israel-policy PACs behind this score
AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE $7,900 direct
FARA institutional lobbying
This member’s committees are targeted by $49.47M in lobbying from FARA-registered firms representing South Korea, Japan, Saudi Arabia. This exposure is weighted at 0.2% of face value in the score — $99K.
— ◊ —
Score across four congresses
Score and tier for each Congress. Members are ranked against others in the same Congress, so tiers are comparable across rows. Raw scores reflect different data availability per Congress.
Congress Score Tier
116th · 2019-2021 48.6 Moderately exposed
117th · 2021-2023 47.6 Moderately exposed
118th · 2023-2025 73.3 Highly exposed
119th · 2025-2027 68.5 Moderately exposed
— ◊ —
Biggest funding source
The single network behind the most money and influence
No top sponsor identified.
— ◊ —
Who funds Curtis
Every funding network we can measure, ranked by influence
score 73.3 · Highly exposed · votes with them 90%
$1,886,486
— ◊ —
Does the money match their power?
Whether their money comes from the industries their committees actually oversee
Money from industries they regulate 0.0%
Extra weight when money matches their committees 1.00×
Share of outside spending tied to their policy areas 0.0%
— ◊ —
Money timed to key votes
Donations arriving near key votes in the policy areas this member regulates
No suspicious timing patterns detected.
— ◊ —
Top Donors
Biggest sources of contributions, grouped by employer, this cycle
HONEYWELL INTERNATIONAL
83,425 contributions · cycle 2024
$6.69M
FEDERAL AVIATION ADMINISTRATION
62,035 contributions · cycle 2022
$6.33M
HONEYWELL INTERNATIONAL
77,561 contributions · cycle 2022
$5.67M
BOEING
73,097 contributions · cycle 2024
$4.38M
BOEING
64,618 contributions · cycle 2022
$3.61M
NORTHROP GRUMMAN
90,735 contributions · cycle 2022
$3.45M
LOCKHEED MARTIN
33,484 contributions · cycle 2022
$3.33M
EY
3,493 contributions · cycle 2022
$3.01M
CHARTER
45,564 contributions · cycle 2024
$2.65M
COMCAST CC OF WILLOW GROVE
60,644 contributions · cycle 2022
$2.63M
THE ELEVANCE HEALTH COMPANIES
33,199 contributions · cycle 2024
$2.53M
CHARTER
43,977 contributions · cycle 2022
$2.51M
HARRIS
9,911 contributions · cycle 2022
$2.32M
GENERAL MOTORS
60,747 contributions · cycle 2022
$2.24M
UNITED HEALTHCARE SERVICES
9,392 contributions · cycle 2022
$2.16M
COMCAST CC OF WILLOW GROVE
45,940 contributions · cycle 2024
$2.07M
HARRIS
8,341 contributions · cycle 2024
$2.04M
BNSF RAILWAY
34,132 contributions · cycle 2022
$1.99M
UNITED HEALTHCARE SERVICES
7,597 contributions · cycle 2024
$1.93M
DELTA AIR LINES
16,000 contributions · cycle 2022
$1.91M
Where the outside money comes from
How much of the outside spending for and against John R. Curtis comes from groups that disclose their donors versus groups that hide them
Total outside spending received $236K
Disclosed outside spending $216K
Dark-money outside spending $20K
Share that is dark money 8.47%
Dark money tied to their policy areas $0
Groups hiding their donors 1
By funding network
CLUB FOR GROWTH ACTION
for them $0 · against them $151K · 11 transactions
$151K
SLF PAC
for them $125K · against them $0 · 4 transactions
$125K
NATIONAL HORIZON
for them $0 · against them $96K · 1 transactions
$96K
EARN INTERNATIONAL UNION OF OPERATING ENGINEERS
for them $86K · against them $0 · 2 transactions
$86K
CITIZENS FOR RESPONSIBLE ENERGY SOLUTIONS INC.
for them $20K · against them $0 · 1 transactions
$20K
BIPARTISAN CLIMATE FUND
for them $4K · against them $0 · 1 transactions
$4K
EVERYTOWN FOR GUN SAFETY VICTORY FUND (EVERYTOWN VICTORY FUND)
for them $0 · against them $861 · 2 transactions
$861
TOGETHER WE THRIVE
for them $0 · against them $750 · 1 transactions
$750
Groups that hide their donors
Independent-expenditure entity · support
$20K
— ◊ —
Pro-Israel network donors
This counts contributions to this member from individuals whose FEC filings also show contributions to one of the 16 pro-Israel political action committees tracked by the Index. It is a measure of donor overlap — not a claim about why any individual gave, and not part of the influence score.

179 individuals who also gave to pro-Israel PACs contributed $768K to John R. Curtis across 250 contributions.

Total from shared contributors $768K
Shared contributors 179
Contributions 250
By cycle
Cycle Shared donors Gifts Total
2022 27 38 $287K
2024 164 211 $479K
2026 1 1 $1K
— ◊ —

John R. Curtis's file shows clear influence markers across multiple categories for the top funding network, placing them in the upper range of this Congress. The pattern runs above what coincidence would produce, and the methodology page documents what each category requires.

Data: FEC (Federal Election Commission) filings · 118th–119th Congress · lobbying disclosures · VoteView recorded votes
All findings derived programmatically from public records · No prior knowledge required